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• 关于赚钱的那些事

  作者：朱小蒂 发布时间：2017-02-21 13:01:47

  看本书之前，我读了不少关于“吸引力法则”的书,包括《秘密》《吸引力法则》《遇见心想事成的自己》等等。说来也奇怪，20多岁时候看到这些书，觉得全部是胡扯，竟然没有在记忆中留下什么痕迹。而今天回过头来，却被吸引力法则的强大能量震得一愣一愣。捶胸顿足。曾经，有那么珍贵的道理摆在我面前，而我没有珍惜。还好，现在也来得及。

  这本书，可以说是吸引力法则在财富方面应用的技术类图书。只做两件事：一破，一立。

  首先说破。破什么？破你的内心深处，所有关于金钱的限制性思维和消极信念。一个人有多少钱，是和自己的信念直接相关的。你对钱在内心深处的看法，基本上决定了你最终的财富状态。注意，是最终，而非暂时。

  拿我自己来说，对照书中所说，我从小关于金钱的思维和信念，全部是消极的，不利于吸引财富的。父母作为普通工人，挣得固定工资很少，尤其姥姥家和奶奶家都是穷的底掉，所以一直在对钱的恐惧和匮乏感中长大。小时候父母争吵甚至打架，基本上都是钱引起的，你弟弟妹妹借了多少，你爸爸妈妈拿了多少。在我的信念深处，钱是罪恶的，钱是永远不够的，钱是所有争端的起源。谈到钱，就是恐惧，吝啬，贪婪、妒忌、别人会想法设法拿走再也不还给你。钱会破坏幸福，暴露人性最丑陋的一面。

  按照吸引力法则来讲，我接下来所有的努力，都是为了摆脱这种恐惧。虽然现在成了个外企白领不用为衣食发愁，但是这种不够不够永远不够的烙印，很难去掉。父母的匮乏感，让他们除了定期存款不敢尝试任何投资，于是错过了很多绝佳的投资机会。一直在温饱线挣扎，我父亲一辈子也没想过自己会成为亿万富翁，只为属于自己的一套房子努力，而正如吸引力法则所预料，这套房子，现在也没有出现。道理是：你越想一件事情发生，越迫切越害怕，反而会阻止这件事的发生。因为宇宙只会感受到你的匮乏感，然后回应你的匮乏。总之，我深刻的认识到，我既有的财富观不破，绝无致富可能。因此，要和自己不良的成长背景，深刻的童年烙印，彻底告别。

  匮乏感，还会导致对个人能力的深刻怀疑。而这本书的核心理念之一就是：怀疑是阻碍财富的最大力量。当年王思聪他爸说订个小目标先挣一个亿再说，被无数的网民狂喷。因为，无数网民都认为：一个亿是天大的玩笑，是权富阶层对赤贫阶层的嘲讽，是一个无情的耳光，是根本不能对话的两个世界。可是，为什么没人相信，现在两手空空的你，的的确确拥有能挣一个亿的能力？有多少人真的听从了王建林的建议，订了一个亿目标的行动计划？这就是穷人和富人最大的区别吧，没有致富的蓝图和野心，却有无穷无尽的怀疑和自己限制。连自己都不相信自己能挣到一个亿，那宇宙便遵从你的意志。所以，个人财富的天花板，是我们自己设定的。

  破完。接着，是立。立从三点入手。

  第一，敢想，制定目标。真的先从1个亿的小目标做起。你真的苦思冥想过如何实现这个目标吗？你真的为即将来到的一个亿做热身准备吗？我正在做，虽然可能需要耗上毕生的时间。但是我可以等待。在致富这件事情上，时间的确是我们最好的朋友。敢想，除了目标之外，还要不断的提升格局，包括致力于学习、提升自己的能力，成为专家，拥有决心和热情，敢于放大10倍甚至100倍的心量，放大自己的价值。让自己成为，比任何问题都大的人。

  第二，敢做。作者提到关键的一点，如果你现在还是用时间换钱，拿固定工资，或者1对1服务，你基本没有任何致富的可能，因为时间是有限的。除非做到苹果的CEO，一年拿上亿的薪酬。他反复强调，要把自己的收入方式和结果挂钩。如果你不敢，好吧，回到第一个问题。对自己能力的怀疑，将把你限制在一个层级无法突破。

  第三，意志力。说到底，生活就是一场较量。自己和自己的较量。软弱的自己和强悍的自己，怯懦的自己和勇敢的自己，安逸和自己和成长的自己，行动的自己和拖延的自己。打鸡血只管三天用，天下人大都是如此。意志力是一种选择力，是否有能力永远选择那个积极的自己，是人和人差别的终极所在。坦率的讲，时至今日，我所看到的最终获得自己想要生活的人，都是积极的。他们必然付出了大量的心力，以及咬牙坚持的意志，才能走到那一步。所以，简单判断一个人是不是有成长的前途，只要观察他是否拥有足够的意志力，是否足够积极，就可以了。

  以上文字，用来自我激励， 也用来与你分享。

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• 有种感情寄托叫老家

  作者：清源 发布时间：2023-09-13 23:30:36

  今年 的第十一届茅盾文学奖，《宝水》榜上有名。获得“2022中国好书”。《宝水》由北京十月文艺出版社出版，封面由莫言题字。

  作者乔叶，北京老舍文学院专业作家，著有《最慢的是活着》《认罪书》等作品。获鲁迅文学奖，人民文学奖等多个奖项。她善于将日常经验文学化，有亲和性的语体风格。

  在《宝水》这本小说里最打动人心的便是对老家的爱。在这乡土国度里，很多人心里都有城乡结合部，这是一份对老家故土的爱。

  生活中的压力，快节奏的步伐，让人们忍不住向往大自然，过着“采菊东南下悠然见南山”的淳朴山村生活。

  

  宝水村就是这样的一个让人流连忘返的地方，还是治疗失眠的好出去。

  宝水是个小山村的名字，因山上泉水多，常年不干涸，有“宝水”之称，宝水村因泉得名故得“宝水村”。

  宝水村位于太行山深处，是由传统的乡村转变为文旅特色的新型乡村。

  

  主人公“地青萍”是一位中年女性，因失眠症提前退休从省会城市来到宝水村帮朋友看管民宿。

  青萍在宝水村三个村落里悠荡，很快融入了当地村民生活中。

  宝水村有精明干练的村支书大英，有村医徐世厚，风水先生赵先儿，有宝水村的三梅，还有德高望重的九奶，乡建专家孟胡子等等。

  文中以青萍的所见所感见证了宝水村由乱到成为新型文旅文明村的经过，她怀着复杂的情感参与村庄的具体事务，见证了新时代下乡村的变化。

  在这山清水秀的村庄她自身的失眠不知不觉中被治愈，她也在宝水村落地生根。

  《宝水》这本小说历经六七年的时间创作，后思路变更三四次，易稿十多次。

  它以厚重的内容，温暖的文字，鲜明的人物塑造，被称为70后长篇小说的突围之作。

  乔叶说长篇小说考验对世道人心的的洞察，特别需要深入肌理了解社会风土人情。

  因此乔叶回到河南老家深入农村生活，融入当地的日常生活中去，和老乡聊天说方言拉家常，体验当地的人情世故。本文中大量的河南方言读起来有种热乎乎的感觉，犹如置身于当地人中。

  《宝水》这部小说以平淡近自然 的方式写宝水村的乡村旅游有乱到井然有序，按照一年四季春夏秋冬的时节展开，四季交替进行，万物生生不息。

  作者从所见所闻小细节融入到农村生活里，作者笔下的农村既不是甜美的世外桃源，也不是荒废的农村。她抒写的是新型的农村生活 ，是一片欣欣向荣的景象。

  在小说中最能打动的是读老家的热爱，是一种欲远离又不舍的情愫，是一种很复杂的爱。

  正如书中 说，老家就是这样一个地方，有在世的人在那里等你，也有去是的老人在那里等着你，总有人在等着你，你的根扎在这里。

  本文中塑造了一众鲜明的人物形象，在人物对话中加入河南方言，让读者身临其境。

  正如作者乔叶说“我希望那些不熟悉乡村的人因读了《宝水》而开始熟悉乡村，了解乡村，关心乡村，也期待那些自认为熟悉乡村的人能在《宝水》中感受到熟悉中的陌生，从而发现在自己习惯的舒适区外还有这样的乡村存在”。

  老家是一根绳，一头牵着你一头连着根。

  

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• 内容至少还很实用

  作者：renwoxing 发布时间：2016-05-27 09:53:04

  说实话，看到朋友圈里很多做微商的朋友，我表示反感，但是看到有人炫富赚了钱，我也有点心动，媳妇也想做微商，我一直表示反对。不过看到这本书的广告语上说的，80%的微商是不赚钱的，甚至是亏钱的。80%的货物都是子虚乌有，你看到的只是图片。看了这句广告语，我怦然心动。一翻开书，就看到先说做微商要诚信，哈哈，真的说到我的心里去了。那些在朋友圈拷贝别人图片的，你们歇歇吧。我要做的，是真正被大家接受的商品，而不是最后被人戳着脊梁骨的害人害己的商品。

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• Review of Jian Xu, A Material Culture Study of Bronze Weapons before the Eastern Zhou Dynasty

  作者：鵬鵬 James 发布时间：2016-10-01 05:20:44

  Published in Frontiers of History in China, vol. 11, no. 3 (September, 2016)

  http://journal.hep.com.cn/fhc/EN/10.3868/s020-005-016-0027-3#1

        Like elsewhere in the world, weaponry in China has long been regarded as the symbol of warfare and violence. Hitherto much scholarly attention has been given to the Shang (ca. 1,600-1,046 BCE) and Zhou bronze eating and drinking vessels, as well as to musical instruments, without an equivalent understanding the significance of the contemporary bronze weapons, which are extent in a surprising quantity. To fill the gap, in this groundbreaking book revised from chapters of his Ph. D. dissertation at Peking University, Jian Xu brings together the much-overlooked ritual implication embedded in the bronze weapons of early China, covering the span from the Erlitou culture (ca. 1,800-1,500 BCE) to the Western Zhou period (1,046-771 BCE).

         As the title reveals, Xu has sought to re-examine bronze weapons within the theoretical framework of material culture. Despite the fact that material culture as an interdisciplinary arena of inquiry has been widely acknowledged within Anglo-American academia, the introduction of this Western invention into Chinese scholarship is still in its infancy. According to Anke Hein, Chinese archeology has a strong typology-oriented tradition “that is based both on local traditions of historiography and antiquarianism and the nature of early Western archaeological endeavors in China, and has strongly political determinants as well.” [1] Following this parameter, in the Introduction, when Xu discusses the complex scholarship on bronze weapons of early China, two major approaches are apparent. The antiquarian approach embraces a tradition, tracing back to the Northern Song period (960-1,127 CE) when important scholarly writing took up found and collected objects under the rubric of “studies of metal and stone” (jinshi xue金石學), that is, more liberally, “studies of bronzes and stone inscriptions.” Celebrated by antiquarians for their textual and historiographic values, bronze objects’ archaeological information has been downplayed or edited out when being collected and catalogued. By contrast, the other approach focuses on archeological discoveries in situ, which marked the beginning of modern Chinese archaeology basically surrounding the 1928 excavation of the sites at Anyang Yinxu, Henan, which were led by Li Ji 李濟 (or Li Chi, 1896-1979) (p. 9). From Xu’s view, except for few like Max Loehr (1903-1988), most scholars who adopted either of these two approaches─which are confined to incomplete materials─have innate defects in their formalistic analyses. Divergent and even conflicting naming and classifying systems of bronzes weapons based on previous approaches also impede further understanding (p. 17). Departing from past scholarship, therefore, Xu adapts the American archeologist Lewis R. Binford’s (1931-2011) theory of three archaeological systematics─technological, social organizational, and ideological—modified by Binford based on the cultural anthropologist Leslie A. White’s (1900-1975) categorization of cultural systems.[2] Such a framework, as it is argued, focuses on investigating material objects as cultural products and “lies in the shared frame of thought that culture is defined by human behavior.” [3] With this multi-dimensional conceptual tool, as thoroughly analyzed by the following four chapters based on a comprehensive and systematic database, Xu treats bronze weapons as material agents through which a broader and more complex cultural system can be peeked into.

       

        Dealing specifically with Binford’s first dimension, Chapter One probes bronze weapons’ stylistic developments, ornaments, and metallurgic information. It begins with Xu’s methodological reflection on Gustav O. Montelius (1843-1921)’s typological paradigm, which has long remained dominant, and seems continue to be so, in the field of Chinese archaeology. Covering archaeologically excavated burials, public and private collections, the bronze weapons concerned are classified as the dagger-axe (戈 ge), spear (矛 mao), halberd (戟 ji), axe (斧鉞 fu yue), sword/dagger (短劍 duan jian), knife (刀 dao), arrowhead (矢鏃shi zu), helmet (胄 zhou), and armour (甲 jia). According to Xu’s formal analysis, stylistic changes of weapons serve to differentiate whether a specimen was intended as a utilitarian instrument, or as a “sign” which is highly decorated. Xu argues that the interaction of two elements─functional and non-functional─played a crucial role in dynamic changes of bronze weapons before the Easter Zhou. While the functional element features utilitarian designs intended for military use and killing, and the non-functional element features superfluous ornamentation such as graphic carvings and inlaid turquoise, one can find that neither of the dual natures of weapons can completely rule out the other.

        In order to reveal the role of bronze weapons in social stratification, Chapter Two reconstructs the burial contexts of excavated specimens. With emphasis on their material contents and spatial distribution, the burials include such well-known sites as the pre-Shang Yanshi Erlitou (Henan), the Shang cemeteries at Panlongcheng in Wuhan (Hubei), Xin’gan Dayangzhou in Jiangxi; also Western Zhou cemeteries at Zhangjiapo near Xi’an city (Shaanxi), Mapo and Beiyao in Luoyang, to name only a few. Although all of these burials’ occupants were aristocrats, some were even kingly elites, but the variety of combinations of bronze weapons with other excavated objects within burial space has yet to be intensely studied. Take the burials of Panlongcheng (M1, M2, M11) as an example, although scattered in separated places, bronze ritual vessels and weapons were mostly found outside the coffin on the second tier of the tombs, thus suggesting that they share the intended value for the deceased. In general, when compared with the widespread combination of dagger-axes and spears, the rare combination of axes and knives from late Shang tombs indicates the occupants’ higher ranking (p. 146). On the other hand, bronze specimens’ variations in type, quantity and combination also indicate chronological, cultural, and regional differences.

        Under the influence of White’s cultural neo-evolutionism, Binford tends to view material tools’ dynamic mechanics as a focal part of humans’ technological means in his treatment of social processes. Therefore, Binford’s technological-cultural orientation, as Xu rightly puts it, fails to recognize objects’ religious/ritual expression and cultural relativism (pp. 149-150). Building on his criticism regarding Binford’s defect, Xu’s three case studies presented in Chapter Three follow the perspective of cognitive and contextual archaeology [4]─two theoretical syntheses of New Archaeology readily available to his interpretation for bridging the material and symbolic aspects of archaeological finds. (1) With the focus on willow-leaf shaped swords, he shows the ways in which the roles that bronze weapons played in different cultural zones—signifier of cultural identity, valuable items, or prestigious goods—express diverse social values. (2) Inspired by Katheryn Linduff’s studies of gender in Chinese archeology, particularly the case of Fu Hao from late Shang Anyang, Xu points out that, except for those from the tombs at Tianma-Qucun, bronze weapons were also buried with female occupants, suggesting that weapons did not necessarily express masculinity in the Shang and Zhou cultures (pp. 160-161). (3) The Chinese archaeologist Guo Baojun 郭寶鈞 (1893-1971) has keenly proposed the “beaten tomb (毆墓 ou’mu)” hypothesis, according to the Rites of the Zhou (Zhouli), to explain why many bronze dagger-axes’ and halberds’ blades were found broken during his excavation of the Western Zhou cemetery at Xincun, located in Xunxian, Henan (p. 162). Based on Guo’s widely-acknowledged interpretation, Xu further argues that, compared with the late Shang period, the deliberate destruction of dagger-axes and halberds became more evident and widespread among Western Zhou burials, and probably thereby developed into a regular worship practice.

        Made with precious material that was strictly control by the ruling elites, jade weapons in early China, given their scarcity and ritual significance in burials, are taken up in a comparative study of contemporary bronze weapons in Chapter Four. Archeological data demonstrate that several types of stone or jade weapons dating to the late Neolithic period, such as the axe, dagger-axe and knife, predate the bronze counterparts and had an impact upon their early designs. Most distinctive are jade axes featured in ritual practices of the Liangzhu culture, developed in the Lower Yangzi region around 3,400-2,300 BCE. Jade weapons, particularly the dagger-axe, had gradually declined in quantity and size by the Eastern Zhou (ca. 770-255 BCE), along with their shifting role from the ritual emblem to ornament-oriented accessory (p. 205). The stylistic and symbolic interaction between jade and bronze weapons, as Xu suggests, constitutes a parallel development to understanding the diversity of social and ritual symbolism in the Chinese Bronze Age.

        Even without a concluding chapter, Xu has convincingly shown us that bronze weapons before the Eastern Zhou as a whole deserve being equally perceived and treated as ritual artifacts in their own right. By challenging the preoccupied dichotomy between ritual artifact and utilitarian instrument, this book also offers a close study of objects driven by a shared academic agenda in fields of Early China in particular and Chinese archaeology in general. Although why the Eastern Zhou has been excluded from his discussion remains to be specified, and a critical reader may raise questions of how and why the end of the Western Zhou, alongside political turmoil and ritual reform, marks a radical impact on bronze weapons, Xu is fully aware of the potential bias brought by archaeological evidence. Theoretically and practically, this book incorporates pioneering Western conceptual tools into Chinese scholarship and its local contextual analyses, thus making a welcomed attempt in the rising Chinese New Archaeology.

  Footnotes:

  [1] Anke Hein, “The Problems of Typology in Chinese Archeology,” Early China 2015.18, 3.

  [2] Lewis R. Binford, “Archaeology as Anthropology,” American Antiquity 28.2 (Oct., 1962): 217-225. White divides culture as a whole into three categories: technology, social system, and philosophies, see Leslie A. White, The Science of Culture: A Study of Man and Society (New York: Grove Press; London: Evergreen Books Ltd, 1949): 392.

  [3] Lewis R. Binford, “Archaeological Systematic and the Study of Cultural Process,” American Antiquity 31.2 (Oct. 1965): 203.

  [4] For theoretical developments and practices of these two archaeological syntheses within the wave of New Archaeology, see Ian Hodder and Hudson Scott, Reading the Past: Current Approaches to Interpretation in Archaeology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), especially chapter 2 “Processual and system approach” and chapter 8 “Contextual archaeology”; Colin Renfrew and Chris Scarre eds., Cognition and Material Culture: The Archaeology of Symbolic Storage (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1998); Colin Renfrew, “Towards A Cognitive Archaeology: Material Engagement and the Early Development of Society,” in Ian Hodder ed., Archaeological Theory Today (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2012): 124-145; Colin Renfrew and Paul Bahn, Archaeology: Theories, Methods and Practice (London: Thames & Hudson, 2012): 381-420.

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• 人性的弱点读书笔记

  作者：贺嘉老师 发布时间：2009-06-27 10:00:30

  第一篇 与人相处的基本技巧

  1.不要批评，责怪或抱怨他人

  2.真诚地赞赏他人

  3.想到他人的需求，并告诉他如何实现（影响他人的唯一方式）

  第二篇 平安快乐的要诀

  1.无须模仿他人，发现自我

  2.保持良好的工作习惯

  3.放松自己，消除疲劳

  4.不要对事情感到倦怠，要使它充满乐趣

  5.想的开心，做的开心，你就会真的觉得开心

  6.永远不要对敌人心存报复，这样对你自己的伤害将大过对别人的

  7.享受付出的快乐，不要期望他人感恩

  8.对得到的帮助心存感激

  9.命运给你酸柠檬，把它做成柠檬汁

  10.忘却自己，对别人多感兴趣

  11.凡事尽力，不必太在意指责

  12.记下自己干的蠢事，自我批评

  第三篇 如何使人喜欢你

  1.真诚地关心别人

  2.保持微笑

  3.记住他人的姓名，这将有助于加深对方对你的印象

  4.做一个善于倾听的人，鼓励别人谈论自己

  5.谈论别人感兴趣的话题

  6.让他人感到自己重要-而且要真诚而为

  第四篇 如何赢得他人的赞同

  1.避免与人争论

  2.对他人的意见表示尊重，别说“你错了”

  3.你错了，就迅速而真诚地承认

  4.以友善的方式开始

  5.首先让别人说“是，是的”

  6.让对方多说话

  7.让别人觉得那是他自己的主意

  8.真诚地尽力从对方的角度看事情

  9.同情对方的意念及愿望

  10.激发他人的高尚动机

  11.将你的意图戏剧性地表现出来

  12.给他人提出挑战

  第五篇 如何更好地说服他人

  1.从称赞与真诚的欣赏开始

  2.间接地指出他人错误

  3.指责别人前，先想想自己的错误

  4.保全他人的面子

  5.称赞他人的每个微小进步

  6.给人一个美名，并使之努力保全

  7.鼓励的办法使人改正错误

  8.使对方乐于做你建议的事

  第六篇 幸福的家庭生活

  1.切勿,切勿喋喋不休

  2.不要试图改造你的配偶

  3.不要批判你的丈夫或妻子

  4.给与对方真诚的欣赏

  5.对妻子或丈夫要有礼貌

  6.学会与她相处

  (1)感谢她，称赞她

  (2)要慷慨，关心

  (3)不要过于不修边幅

  (4)了解她的工作

  (5)做她的后盾

  (6)分享她的嗜好

  (7)爱你的妻子

  7.了解一些必备的性知识

  第七篇 如何使你变得更加成熟

  1.为自己的行为负责

  2.不要在乎困难，或许它也是一种机遇

  3.学会摆脱生活中的不幸

  4.拥有自己的信仰并付诸行动

  5.你是独一无二的

  (1)每天抽出时间独处，以进一步认识自己

  (2)打破习惯的束缚

  (3)发现生活中什么东西最能让我们感到满足

  6.了解并喜欢你自己

  7.不要盲从因袭，听从你内心的声音

  8.注意自己身上令人讨厌的地方

  (1)不停谈论小孩或宠物

  (2)谈话没有重点

  (3)完全不理会他人的话题

  (4)不要一直争论不休

  (5)永远唱低调的人

  9.要让别人喜欢你，先得使自己让人喜欢

  第八篇 走出孤独忧虑的人生

  1.幸福不来自于他人的布施，而是你自己去赢得别人对你的需求和喜爱

  2.消除心中的忧虑

  3.对于忧虑的问题，考虑最坏情况，接受这种可能，冷静处理善后

  4.问题，问题的原因，可能的几种解决方案，你的选择

  5.让自己处于忙碌状态

  6.活在今天

  7.不要为小事烦心

  8.计算事情发生的概率

  9.接受不可避免发生的事实

  第九篇 不要为金钱和工作烦恼

  1.慎重做出职业生涯和生活中的重大决定

  (1)研究职业选择建议

  (2)避免哪些原已拥挤的职业和事业

  (3)避免哪些维生机会只有1/10的行业

  (4)决定投入一项职业之前，可以先花几个礼拜时间，对该项工作做个全盘认识。通过和从事该行业10年，20年，30年的人士面谈.

   1)如果您的生命从头开始，您是否愿意在做一名建筑（XX）师？

   2)您仔细打量我后，我想请问您觉得我是否具成为一名成功建筑师的要件？

   3)建筑师这一行业是否已经人满为患？

   4)如果我学习了4年建筑课程，要找工作是否困难？我应该首先接受哪一类的工作

   5)如果我的能力中等，在头5年中，我可以希望赚多少钱

   6)当一名建筑师有什么好处和坏处？

   7)如果我是您儿子，您建议我当一名建筑师么？

  (5)要知道每个人都可能在多项事业上成功！

  2.不要总是为工作和金钱发愁

   (1)把事实记在纸上

   (2)拟出一个合适你的预算

   (3)学习如何聪明地花钱

   (4)不要为你的收入增加而头痛

   (5)如果需要借贷，选择银行贷款

   (6)投保意外保险

   (7)人寿保险的收益不要一次现金付给受益人

   (8)教导子女对金钱养成负责任的态度

   (9)不要赌博-永远不要

   (10)如果无法改善经济状况，不妨宽恕自己

  3.处理好夫妻间的职业冲突

  4.合理开支，不要入不敷出

  第十篇 远离疲劳，保持活力

  1.经常休息，在你感到倦怠之前

  2.说出你的心事

  3.消除烦闷心理

  4.不再为失眠忧虑

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